The Week in Business: A Suddenly Vulnerable Netflix

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It has been a hot week, with no relief in sight. If you’ve spent it assembling a wall of fans and air-conditioners, you may have missed some business and tech news. Don’t worry, that’s why we’re here. (And here are some great no-cook dinners to help you beat the heat.)


Netflix lost more than 10 percent of its stock market value after the company said it had lost 126,000 subscribers in the United States last quarter — its first-ever such decline. The service also reported weak growth in overseas markets. The slide comes as competitors like Disney, AT&T and NBCUniversal are starting streaming services and, in some cases, taking their own hugely popular shows with them, like “Friends” and “The Office.” Another reason for the weak performance: This was the quarter that Netflix’s price increases went into effect.

Members of Congress grilled Facebook over its plans for a digital currency, Libra. The company is hoping to provide financial services without being treated, and regulated, as a bank. Lawmakers said they weren’t sure they could trust the company enough to let that happen. (An astrological coincidence? The digital currency exchange founded by the Winklevoss twins — they’re the ones who fought a legal battle with Mark Zuckerberg over the ownership of Facebook — is called Gemini.)

The House voted to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2025 — but don’t hold your breath waiting for a vote in the Senate. Higher wages have been a focus for many of the Democratic presidential candidates, and a major part of the party’s platform. The minimum has been $7.25 an hour since 2009, the longest period without an increase since the wage was set up in 1938. A recent Congressional Budget Office analysis found that raising the minimum to $15 would pull 1.3 million American out of poverty and could result in wage increases for up to 27 million workers. But it could also leave 1.3 million people out of a job, the study found.


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CreditTill Lauer

Britain will have a new prime minister this week, and the candidate whom the Conservative Party elects to succeed Theresa May will help determine how Britain leaves the European Union. Both Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt, competing to succeed Ms. May, have said they would leave the bloc without an agreement if Brussels refused to negotiate. Lawmakers recently voted to make it harder for the next prime minister to push through a no-deal Brexit, however, by suspending Parliament — a pre-emptive rebuke of Mr. Johnson. No matter how the Brexit process goes, Britain’s currency, the pound, has already been buffeted.

Second-quarter earnings reports are still trickling in, with Deutsche Bank, fresh off a major layoff announcement, and Facebook filing on Wednesday, and Amazon and Alphabet reporting on Thursday. The tech giants will have a tough act to follow in Microsoft, which reported a huge jump in sales last week, buoyed by investments in cloud computing. And global banks have had their worst first half in more than a decade on weak trading revenue as investors are unsure how to plan for fallout from President Trump’s trade war.

All signs have been pointing to the Federal Reserve’s cutting interest rates at its meeting this month, as it tries to stave off economic troubles. On Friday, the central bank will get one more piece of data to help it decide if that’s necessary when the Commerce Department releases figures on second-quarter economic growth. The problem is that the central bank has fewer arrows in its quiver now than it did a decade ago to battle a major economic slowdown.


Is FaceApp, the viral photo-altering app, an insidious privacy concern? No, it’s probably fine, experts said, though the app, made by a Russian company, could be clearer about its privacy policy.

The landmark retailer Barneys is considering its options — including bankruptcy — as it faces a steep rent increase and competition from e-commerce. And Comic-Con, once a major promotional venue for Hollywood, seems to have lost its cachet, as most major studios have opted out of heavy promotion at the convention this year.

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Cesar Pelli, Designer of Iconic Buildings Around the World, Dies at 92

Cesar Pelli, who designed some of the world’s most recognizable buildings, died on Friday at his home in New Haven. He was 92.

His son Rafael confirmed the death.

Mr. Pelli’s works included the cluster of towers making up the World Financial Center (now called Brookfield Place) at Battery Park City in New York, famous for the glass-roofed Winter Garden at its center; the Pacific Design Center in Los Angeles, known for its bright blue glass facade; and Ronald Reagan National Airport outside Washington.

Although his work was wide-ranging — he designed the United States embassy in Tokyo, the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts in Miami and the Frances Lehman Loeb Art Center at Vassar, among other projects — Mr. Pelli was particularly known for his skyscrapers.

His Petronas Twin Towers in Malaysia were the tallest skyscrapers in the world from 1998 to 2004. Other Pelli towers, if not record holders, commanded the skylines of cities around the world. He designed the One Canada Square tower at Canary Wharf in London; the Carnegie Hall Tower in New York; the Salesforce Tower, now the tallest building in San Francisco; the International Finance Centre in Hong Kong; the Wells Fargo tower in Minneapolis; the UniCredit Tower in Milan; the Torre Banco Macro in Buenos Aires; and the Goldman Sachs tower in Jersey City, among many others.

He won hundreds of architecture awards, including the 1995 gold medal of the American Institute of Architects, its highest honor.

Mr. Pelli’s success came late in life. He didn’t open his own firm until he was 50, and even then, he said, “It was only because I was forced to.” That happened in 1977, when he was chosen to design the renovation and expansion of the Museum of Modern Art in Manhattan.

With his wife, the landscape architect Diana Balmori, and a former colleague, Fred Clarke, he formed Cesar Pelli & Associates Architects to handle the MoMA project.

The firm grew, eventually becoming Pelli Clarke Pelli Architects. The second Pelli in the name is his son Rafael, who practiced out of an office in Manhattan while Mr. Pelli and Mr. Clarke ran the New Haven office that Mr. Pelli set up in 1977 in a modest two-story building across the street from the Yale School of Architecture, where he was then serving as dean.

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CreditJohn Prieto/The Denver Post, via Getty Images

It was an unprepossessing location for a firm that would become one of the most prolific designers of skyscrapers around the world. It remained Mr. Pelli’s base until his death.

Although Mr. Pelli’s office thrived, the MoMA building didn’t. Completed in 1984, a portion of it was torn down in 2002 so that the museum could replace it with a larger structure by the Japanese architect Yoshio Taniguchi.

Mr. Pelli said he wasn’t hurt by seeing some of his building disappear, which he understood as motivated by changes in the museum’s mission. “Life is full of surprises,” Mr. Pelli said, adding that he enjoyed more than his share of good ones.

Indeed, he considered his entire career improbable.

He grew up in San Miguel de Tucumán, a small city in northern Argentina, where, he said, there was no architecture to speak of. (His mother was a teacher; his father, a civil servant reduced by the Depression to doing odd jobs.)

At the Universidad Nacional de Tucumán, he decided to study architecture because it combined two of his favorite subjects, history and art. But, he said, he was able to take a chance on architecture only because his parents had started him at school two years early (at the age of 5, instead of 7). Because he was so much younger than his classmates, Mr. Pelli recalled, “I didn’t have girlfriends, and I was never picked for teams.” But at the university, “I felt I could choose architecture, which was a lark, because I had two extra years to play with,” he said.

In 1952, he came north to continue his architecture training at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. At the time, he said, he had no money and no plans to remain in the United States after his nine-month fellowship expired. Complicating matters, his wife, Ms. Balmori, whom he had met as a teenager in Argentina and who was with him in Illinois, discovered she was pregnant.

The couple never returned to Argentina to live. Instead, one of Mr. Pelli’s professors, Ambrose Richardson, recommended him to Eero Saarinen, the great Finnish-American architect then working in Bloomfield Hills, Mich. Mr. Pelli spent almost 10 years at the Saarinen firm.

One of his projects there was the TWA Flight Center at Kennedy Airport. As Mr. Pelli recalled it, Mr. Saarinen was unhappy when structural engineers informed him that the building’s two central columns would have to cross each other, forming a giant X. Mr. Saarinen asked Mr. Pelli to try to sculpt those columns into something beautiful, which, in Mr. Pelli’s account, led to the celebrated gull-winged building.

CreditGuy Palmiotto/Associated Press

Later, Mr. Pelli was assigned by Mr. Saarinen to work on two new residential colleges at Yale, which were being built on a tight budget. Mr. Saarinen came up with a scheme to use walls of reinforced concrete with large, exposed stones — an inexpensive way of evoking Yale’s older masonry buildings. When Mr. Saarinen died in 1961, Mr. Pelli continued working on what became Ezra Stiles College and Morse College, considered masterpieces of gentle modernism.

Jayne Merkel, a Saarinen biographer, said Mr. Pelli was “the real creative right-hand man” on both the TWA and Yale buildings.

In 1967, Mr. Pelli took a job in California at a giant architecture and engineering firm known as DMJM. The firm’s commercial clients wanted buildings quickly and on budget, and Mr. Pelli enjoyed great freedom as a designer, as long as he met those goals.

He became particularly well known for his experiments with new forms of glass facades, and designed numerous buildings covered in different forms of reflective glass, including glass in colored panels. But the glass skins, which obscured pretty much everything behind them (but often offered gorgeous reflections of the sky) weren’t right for every situation. At his San Bernardino City Hall, the glass wall, he said, was too off-putting and abstract. “A city hall should feel comfortable, friendly, easy to approach,” he said.

Mr. Pelli added that he had taken “a liberty” with the project that he should not have. Unlike “most of my colleagues,” he said, “I don’t believe architects have the right to experiment with people’s needs.”

In 1968, he went to work for Gruen Associates, a large Los Angeles-based architecture firm, under whose aegis he designed the Pacific Design Center. He said he had taken “a very ugly building type, which is showrooms, which are normally brick boxes,” and had “turned it into something joyful” by covering it in bright blue glass. That first building, which comprised more than 700,000 square feet and quickly became known as the Blue Whale, was later joined by a second building, in green glass. A final building, in red glass, was added some 40 years after Mr. Pelli had first laid out the original scheme for the center.

Mr. Pelli said he had been ready to leave Gruen and the corporate practice of architecture when, in 1976, he was selected as the dean of Yale’s school of architecture. Mr. Pelli moved to New Haven and settled into the famous art and architecture building designed by Paul Rudolph, intending to embrace academic life; what he wanted to do, he said, was teach and write books.

While he eventually wrote “Observations for Young Architects,” a 1999 volume that combines his personal history with his views on the profession, his plans were disrupted when he won the MoMA commission. Mr. Pelli attributed his selection in part to the museum’s financial constraints, which led the search committee to choose an architect with strong practical skills. It did not hurt that his Pacific Design Center, recently finished, had received wide and favorable publicity.

CreditPhilippe Lopez/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

His design for MoMA was not a universal success. The critic Carter Horsley compared its interiors, with their prominent escalators, to those of a “not terribly successful” shopping mall.

But by the time MoMA opened, in 1984, Mr. Pelli had received numerous other requests to design large commercial buildings, and while he continued his association with Yale and remained in New Haven, he came to spend more of his time on large corporate projects than he ever had in Los Angeles.

Among the firm’s most memorable buildings were the Petronas Twin Towers, a pair of 88-story, nearly 1,500-foot-high buildings linked by a skybridge about 500 feet off the ground. Although the bridge turned out to have a practical purpose — it provided an extra means of egress for the upper reaches of the towers — Mr. Pelli said his goal was aesthetic: The bridge and the upper floors of the towers form a kind of gate, suggesting, particularly in Asian cultures, a portal to a higher world.

While Mr. Pelli began his career as a confirmed modernist and achieved fame initially for his creative work with glass facades, his work continued to evolve, particularly as far as skyscraper design was concerned.

Like many architects, he worried that modernism was not sufficiently expressive, and he admitted to a great admiration for many early skyscrapers. How, he wondered, could he bring some of their feeling into his work without being too imitative? At the World Financial Center in the early 1980s, he tried to find a middle ground by giving his towers different kinds of tops and exteriors that were mainly constructed of stone at their base and moved toward more glass as they rose, as if to say that they had their roots in the past and their tops in the present.

Within a few years, however, he was moving more forthrightly toward using historic form. His Norwest Tower (now Wells Fargo) in Minneapolis owes a clear debt to 30 Rockefeller Plaza, the centerpiece of Rockefeller Center in New York.

His Carnegie Hall Tower took much of its inspiration from the concert hall to which it was, technically, an addition, replicating its color and many of its details. Later, however, in buildings like Goldman Sachs in Jersey City, and the Salesforce Tower in San Francisco, Mr. Pelli developed a curving tower form that appeared to bend inward gently as it met the sky, a shape that returned to modernism but that replaced sharp edges with a natural, sculptural ease. His late work would increasingly be defined by softly curving facades of glass, and a determination to find quiet, understated but memorable sculptural form, part of a lifelong search for alternatives to the boxy towers of midcentury modernism.

At the same time that Mr. Pelli was reaching for the sky, Ms. Balmori was staying closer to the ground, becoming a renowned landscape designer. Although the couple divorced in 2001 and Ms. Balmori moved her base to New York, they continued to collaborate on numerous projects, 70 years after they had met in Tucumán.

Mr. Pelli and Ms. Balmori had two sons: Rafael, the architect, and Denis, who is a professor of psychology and neural science at New York University. They survive him, as do two grandchildren. Ms. Balmori died in 2016.

Mr. Pelli never apologized for designing buildings that satisfied, rather than challenged, their owners. Architects, he wrote, “must produce what is needed of us. This is not a weakness in our discipline, but a source of strength.”

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Morning Coffee Results in a $1,000 Fine and Expulsion From Venice

LONDON — The Rialto Bridge in Venice, the oldest of the four structures spanning the Grand Canal in the Italian city, has seen it all.

But the sight of two German backpackers setting up a travel stove to make their morning coffee on the steps of the 400-year-old monument was too much for a local resident, who promptly reported it to the police.

The travelers from Berlin, an unidentified man and a woman ages 32 and 35, were fined a total of 950 euros (or $1,000) under rules introduced in May to preserve “decorum” in the city center.

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CreditMiguel Medina/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Venice, which for decades has been inundated with tourists from all over the world eager to see its unique architecture and experience its lifestyle, has struggled with overtourism. As for other popular destinations, the crowds have been both a blessing, bringing in much-needed revenue, and a curse, invading every inch of public space.

As far back as 1987, the local authorities capped the number of tour buses carrying day-trippers into the city. But a new wave of tourism fueled by cheap airline fares has not made things easier, and Venice has taken strict measures to address the problem. New rules include fines for urinating in public, wearing indecent clothing and eating in public places other that restaurants and cafes.

The struggle echoed that of Rome, where the authorities have imposed heavy fines and added officers to stop people from wading into the city’s famous fountains. At the height of a heat wave in Europe last summer, two people skinny-dipped in the fountain at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, prompting a police hunt for the culprits.

Matteo Salvini, the country’s hard-line interior minister, called the men “idiots,” telling them “Italy isn’t their bathroom.”

CreditMiguel Medina/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The largest, most visible symbols of the onslaught of tourists on Venice’s canals have been cruise ships that carry hundreds of people into the heart of the historic center. Campaigners pushed through new regulations last year to divert the behemoths to a passenger port on the mainland, farther from the city’s fragile lagoon.

But on a recent Sunday morning, a cruise ship plowed into a smaller tour boat and a wharf on a canal, injuring four people. Critics said the accident highlighted the need for regulation.

“Venice must be respected, and the rude people who think they can come to the city and do whatever they want must understand that, thanks to the girls and boys of the local police, they will be taken, sanctioned and removed,” Luigi Brugnaro, the mayor of Venice, said in a statement.

Now, visitors have to be careful where they brew a cup of coffee.

Both German travelers were ordered to leave the city.

“Our city will always be open and welcoming to all those who want to come and visit it,” Mr. Brugnaro said. “At the same time, we will be intransigent with those who think they will come and do what they want.”

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Workers in Spain’s Strawberry Fields Speak Out on Abuse

ALMONTE, Spain — A little over a year ago, a young mother left her children in the care of her husband in Morocco and went to work on a strawberry farm near the city of Almonte, on Spain’s southwestern coast.

Pregnant with her third child and needing money, she was led to believe she could make a few thousand euros for several months’ work — about a year’s earnings in Morocco. Instead, she is now stranded in Spain, awaiting trial after joining nine other women from the same farm, Doñaña 1998 d’Almonte, who have filed lawsuits stemming from events there, including accusations of sexual harassment and assault, rape, human trafficking and several labor violations.

Like other women interviewed for this article, the young mother asked that she be identified only by her initials, L.H., for fear of how spouses, family members and others would react when the article is republished in Arabic, as happens with most Times articles on Morocco. The husbands of some of the women, including L.H., have already filed for divorce.

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CreditMaria Contreras Coll for The New York Times

The women said they often had little choice but to endure abuse, and experts agree.

“They are put in a situation where they are deprived of resources, and their sexuality becomes one way for them to survive,” said Emmanuelle Hellio, a sociologist who has chronicled conditions on the farms. “Sexism and racism fabricate situations in which they cannot complain and power relations make things particularly difficult to denounce.”

L.H. said her boss started sexually harassing her soon after her arrival. He pressured her to have sex, promising her a better life and working conditions.

When she resisted “he started forcing me to work harder,” she said, trying to soothe her baby girl, who was born in Spain. “The other girls would help me when it would get too hard for me on the field.”

CreditMaria Contreras Coll for The New York Times

Now, she lives with the other women in a location she asked to keep confidential, awaiting trial.

“I feel depressed and I am scared to look for work,” she says.

Strawberries are called red gold in Spain, the largest exporter of the fruit in Europe, where they are the basis of a $650 million industry. Andalusia, where the women worked, produces 80 percent of Spain’s strawberries.

Under a bilateral agreement signed in 2001, thousands of Moroccan women labor from April to June under sprawling plastic greenhouses to cultivate and harvest the fruit. The agreement specifies that the seasonal workers must come from the countryside, where poverty and unemployment are rampant, and must be mothers, so they want to return home, which most do.

CreditMaria Contreras Coll for The New York Times

It was seen as a win-win deal: an earning opportunity for the poor Moroccans, which gave Spanish farmers much-needed low-cost labor.

For years, academic researchers and activists have complained about the working conditions at the isolated farms, but the authorities in Spain and Morocco have taken little or no action, officials with local labor unions said.

But over a year ago, the 10 women decided to speak up, knowing they risked losing everything, including the respect and support of their conservative families. They are now paying that price, and would have been crushed long ago if not for the support of unions, activists and online fund-raising.

CreditMaria Contreras Coll for The New York Times

In addition to the divorces, many of the women said they have been shamed and blamed by some family members and neighbors in Morocco. Many say they suffer from severe panic attacks. During interviews, some cried while others screamed in rage.

The first to speak up was H.H., 37, who said she decided she could no longer endure in silence the harsh working conditions and widespread culture of sexual harassment and even rape at the farm.

“I felt like a slave. Like an animal,” she said during in an interview. “They brought us to exploit us and then to send us back. I wish I drowned in the sea and died before arriving in Spain.”

CreditMaria Contreras Coll for The New York Times

A mother of two, she had worked as a sports trainer back home and enrolled in the farm program after seeing women return to Morocco with $3,500 in savings — more than they could make in a year at home. She and the other women say they were promised many things, like living just four to a room, with a kitchen and a washing machine.

Instead, she found herself in a dusty and overcrowded room with five other women, hiding her food and clothes under her mattress and covering the open windows with cardboard to ward off mosquitoes. Without the training she had been promised, she was slow at first, and others had to help her catch up so she would not be denied work.

Over time, she became fed up with working long hours without bathroom breaks, and of having to be in the good graces of the managers for enough work to buy food, let alone save. She was not assaulted, she said, but was appalled by what others went through. She said abortions were routine, many of them following sexual coercion.

CreditMaria Contreras Coll for The New York Times

She said the women had become inured to the abuse, and local activists said that anyone who complained was immediately sent back to Morocco.

That’s precisely what happened after H.H. sought help from a local labor union and lawyers. When the lawyers arrived at the farm on May 31, 2018, a group of women started sharing their concerns, all speaking at the same time in Arabic.

The activists asked them to write a list of names and complaints. H.H. left with the lawyers, but three days later, she said, the women on the list — more than 100 — were forced into buses and sent back to Morocco, some say without pay they were owed.

CreditMaria Contreras Coll for The New York Times

Nine women managed to escape, going over and under fences because the main metal gate was locked, ripping their clothes and running in the forest as they found their way to Almonte, a few miles away.

“I had heard stories before but we all thought they were lies until we lived it ourselves,” one of them said. “We realized that when people speak up, they find ways to shut them up.” The nine women joined H.H. in the lawsuit.

While their suits are rare, they are not without precedent. In 2014, a court in Huelva, Spain, found three men guilty of an “offense against moral integrity and sexual harassment.” Their victims were Moroccan women who worked for them in 2009. An article in El País in 2010, “Victims of the Red Gold,” documented a series of sexual allegations by Polish and Moroccan workers.

In response to criticism in the news media last fall, the Spanish government promised to implement safeguards for this season, and the Moroccan minister of labor has also promised improved conditions. But the workers and unions say little or nothing has changed.

Moroccan officials, including the minister of labor and the ambassador in Madrid, Spanish officials, and several representatives of farming associations, declined to comment for this article, as did the owner of Doñaña 1998 d’Almonte.

“Our work stops in Tangier — beyond, it becomes a Spanish affair,” Noureddine Benkhalil, a manager at ANAPEC, the agency that recruits the women in Morocco, told a local TV network last year.

In an email, a commission spokeswoman at the European Union said that it did not tolerate labor exploitation but said Spain was responsible for addressing the issue.

The women say they are determined to see their cases through to the end. The initial whistle-blower, H.H., tries to keep spirits up. Whenever one of the women breaks down, she reminds her that it was their duty to speak so that others could work on these contracts without fear.

“I will never let it go,” H.H. said. “I already lost everything. I have nothing to lose. I will fight until I die.”

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CBS Is Blacked Out for 6.5 Million AT&T Customers. Here’s Why.

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CBS, the nation’s most-watched television network, went dark for more than 6.5 million AT&T customers early Saturday after the two companies couldn’t agree on a new contract.

The network, with hits like “Big Brother,” was cut off from AT&T’s satellite service DirecTV as well as the landline-delivered U-verse and DirecTV Now, the live streaming product.

The companies had been negotiating for several weeks but failed to agree on pricing and streaming rights before the contract expired on Saturday at 2 a.m., Eastern time.

AT&T television customers in at least 14 markets, including New York, Los Angeles, Chicago and San Francisco, lost their feeds to CBS. The network is carried in about 119 million homes across the country, either on a pay television service or free over the air. The affected customers account for tens of millions of dollars in monthly revenue to CBS.

Broadcasters like CBS receive what’s known as retransmission consent fees — the equivalent of a monthly licensing fee — from distributors like DirecTV. CBS is asking for an increase over the rate it last negotiated in 2012, when market conditions were different and pay-television bills were cheaper.

Since CBS is a broadcast network, it’s still free to watch over the air using an antenna. But it and other broadcasters also sell their rights to pay-TV operators like AT&T, which carry the network on their systems.

CBS had been paid an average of a little over $2 for each AT&T subscriber every month, and it is now seeking a fee in the range of $3, three people familiar with the matter said. They spoke on the condition of anonymity because the contract negotiations are considered private.

In addition to a smaller fee increase, AT&T is pushing for the ability to sell CBS’s streaming service as a separate option, which could give it more flexibility and lower costs by potentially removing the channel from its basic bundle.

Both AT&T and CBS are in the midst of significant transformations. CBS has been bruised by scandal. It ousted its chief executive, Leslie Moonves, in September after a dozen women said he had sexually abused them. He has denied the charges. The network is also discussing a potential merger with its sister company, Viacom, the cable network giant that oversees MTV and Comedy Central. Both companies are controlled by the Redstone family, now led by Shari Redstone.

AT&T, in a bid to distinguish itself from its rival Verizon, spent more than $80 billion to acquire Time Warner last year. The deal gave it a suite of content providers, including HBO, CNN and the Warner Bros. film studio. The company plans on offering a major streaming service to compete with Netflix, Hulu and others, based largely on the brand clout of HBO. The service would also help AT&T offer special discounts to its customers, potentially keeping them from defecting to other services.

AT&T was close to a blackout with Viacom this year after a heated renewal negotiation. AT&T is separately involved in a dispute with Nexstar, which owns CBS affiliate stations in 35 markets. Nexstar-owned stations have been blacked out on AT&T systems since July 4.

Carriage disputes are not uncommon. Networks want more money, and distributors want to keep fees down. But cord cutting and the rise of streaming services have added to the plight of cable and satellite companies.

AT&T, already under immense financial pressure with debt exceeding $175 billion, is steadily losing television customers. In the 12 months through March, it lost more than 1.5 million subscribers, or about 6 percent, leaving it with about 23 million television customers.

CBS has also lost viewers, with ratings down nearly 18 percent since 2016. The fact that it remains the most-watched network highlights the overall erosion of traditional television.

That explains the industry’s shift to streaming. CBS’s digital product, All Access, costs $6 a month and has more than four million subscribers, with that figure expected to triple over the next three years.

But the network’s online success has also complicated its negotiations with AT&T. AT&T would prefer to sell All Access to its customers as an à la carte option, instead of having to carry CBS for all its subscribers in a bundle, the people familiar with the matter said.

In that case, AT&T would simply take a cut of each digital subscription, an arrangement that CBS has with Amazon through its Prime video service. The onus would then be on AT&T’s subscribers to request CBS instead of expecting it as part of a basic package.

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Equifax Is Said to Be Near $650 Million Settlement for Data Breach

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Equifax is expected to pay around $650 million to settle federal and state investigations and consumer claims relating to a data breach that exposed sensitive information belonging to 145 million people, according to two people familiar with the settlement discussions.

The breach, which Equifax revealed in September 2017 and included Social Security and driver’s license numbers, was one of the most severe exposures of Americans’ personal data and drew widespread condemnation from lawmakers, law enforcement agencies and consumers. It prompted the sudden departure of Equifax’s chief executive and sent its stock price tumbling, though it has since made back most of its losses.

A $650 million payment would be in line with what the company expected. In a recent financial filing, Equifax said it had set aside $690 million to cover the anticipated legal costs of the hacking.

This is a developing story and will be updated.

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Angus McQueen, the N.R.A.’s Image Maker, Dies at 74

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Angus McQueen, whose Midwest advertising agency was a principal architect of the National Rifle Association’s modern image until the firm had a remarkable falling out with the gun group this year, died on Tuesday in Oklahoma City. He was 74.

Ackerman McQueen, the Oklahoma City advertising company that Mr. McQueen had long led, announced the death. He had had lung cancer.

Mr. McQueen’s death came amid a legal fight between the N.R.A. and Ackerman McQueen that would have not long ago been considered inconceivable.

The two organizations had been so close for nearly 40 years that some of the most recognized faces associated with the N.R.A., including its former spokeswoman Dana Loesch and its former president Oliver L. North, were actually on Ackerman’s payroll, not the N.R.A.’s.

But an N.R.A. lawsuit this year against Ackerman over its billing practices led to infighting within the gun organization and threatened the leadership of its chief executive, Wayne LaPierre, who had been a friend and longtime client of Mr. McQueen’s. Moreover, it divided Mr. McQueen’s family and has put severe financial strains on his company.

Mr. McQueen cut his teeth as a director and producer for NBC affiliates and served in the Nixon administration, where he directed pool coverage of the Republican National Convention in Miami Beach in 1972.

He joined Ackerman McQueen in 1973, a company co-founded by his father, Marvin. After serving as creative director, Angus became president in 1984 and chief executive in 1987, helping to build it from a company of about 25 employees to one of about 250.

He was the agency’s creative director during the original pitch meeting to the N.R.A. The gun group saw Ackerman McQueen as more in sync with its values than ad firms on the East and West Coasts.

Ackerman was deeply involved in developing the N.R.A.’s image over the years. It worked with the actor Charlton Heston during his combative presidency of the organization. It devised the “I’m the N.R.A.” ad campaign, which tried to humanize the group, and featured celebrities like Roy Rogers. It gave Mr. LaPierre’s image a makeover, putting him in tailored suits. And it wrote provocative fund-raising letters warning of “jackbooted government thugs” who wanted to “seize our guns.”

The company also helped turn the N.R.A.’s annual conventions into sprawling gatherings, with this year’s event, in Indianapolis, boasting of 15 acres of guns.

“I speak to Wayne almost every day,” Mr. McQueen said in a 2002 deposition, in litigation brought by the N.R.A. and other groups against the Federal Election Commission. “On numerous occasions, we’ll speak throughout the day,” he added.

Describing how the N.R.A. used advertising to influence voters, he said in the same deposition: “I tell people all the time: No voter is a light switch. No voter is on and off.”

Instead, he likened voters to a dimmer switch “that gets brighter and softer and that throbs throughout the process.”

“And so what you want, when you’re an advocate of the Second Amendment,” he added, “is for the citizenry to become as informed as they possibly can be on the issue.”

Angus Loren McQueen was born in 1944 in Superior, Wis., to Marvin and Mary Louise McQueen. He did not attend college.

As a young man he was a writer and director with the Navy Office of Information in Washington during the Vietnam War. He was later a producer for an NBC television affiliate in Houston directing coverage of the Gemini and Apollo spacecraft missions.

He is survived by his son, Revan, who is the current chief executive of Ackerman McQueen; his daughters Skye Brewer and Loren Zanotti; and seven grandchildren. His wife, Jodi (Hetzke) McQueen, a former model and actress, died in 2013.

Over the years, Ackerman’s major clients included the Chickasaw Nation, for whom the agency developed an Oklahoma travel site that helped steer interest to the tribe. The Integris health care system of Oklahoma was another client. Stan Hupfeld, a former chief executive of Integris, said Mr. McQueen had focused on telling the stories of doctors and patients rather than solely on extolling the system’s technological abilities.

“You have to touch people on a personal basis, and I thought his organization was very skilled at that,” Mr. Hupfeld said.

Mark Keller, a music producer and voiceover specialist who once worked for Mr. McQueen and became a close friend, said, “It’s hard for me to think of anyone else more adept at putting together talented people.”

He recalled collaborating with Mr. McQueen on a campaign for a Texas company, Nocona Boots, that was criticized by environmentalists for magazine ads depicting boot-wearing ranchers battling the likes of rattlesnakes and Gila monsters.

“Big news — cowboys kill rattlesnakes, they don’t protect them,” Mr. Keller said in an interview, adding, “We were just trying to sell some cowboy boots, and it worked.”

Mr. McQueen championed building media platforms for his clients, none more high profile then NRATV, a live broadcasting arm that caused friction even within the N.R.A. for straying beyond gun rights into rightwing politics.

Ackerman’s relationship with the gun group disintegrated over the last year, after the N.R.A. had begun auditing its contractors amid an investigation by New York’s attorney general, Letitia James, into the N.R.A.’s tax-exempt status.

By April, the N.R.A. had sued Ackerman, alleging that it had concealed from the organization details about how the company had spent the roughly $40 million a year that the N.R.A. had directed to Ackerman and its affiliates.

Ackerman insiders were shocked by the suit, which was led by William A. Brewer III, the N.R.A.’s outside counsel, who is a son-in-law of Mr. McQueen. Ackerman has contested the allegations, and its allies have depicted the legal fight as an effort to supplant Ackerman’s position within the N.R.A.

Days after the suit was filed, Mr. North led a failed effort to oust Mr. LaPierre, N.R.A. officials have said, though Mr. North has disputed that account. By late June, the N.R.A. shut down production at NRATV and ended its relationship with Ackerman.

Amid the turmoil, Mr. McQueen’s three children issued a joint statement this week. “Our father always reminded us, with unwavering commitment, that family is everything,” they said. “He knew that the love of family could weather any storm, conquer any evil.”

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3,271 Pill Bottles, a Town of 2,831: Court Filings Say Corporations Fed Opioid Epidemic

The Walgreens employee was bewildered by the quantity of opioids the company was shipping to just one store. Its pharmacy in Port Richey, Fla. (population 2,831) was ordering 3,271 bottles of oxycodone a month.

“I don’t know how they can even house this many bottles to be honest,” Barbara Martin, whose job was to review suspicious drug orders, wrote to a colleague in a January 2011 email. The next month, the company shipped another outsized order to the same store.

The email was among thousands of documents from corporations across the pharmaceutical and retail industries — internal memos, depositions, sales and shipping reports, experts’ analyses, and other confidential information — filed Friday in federal court in Cleveland by lawyers for cities towns and counties devastated by addiction. They lay out a detailed case of how diverse corporate interests — far beyond the familiar players like Purdue Pharma — fed a deadly opioid epidemic that persisted for nearly two decades.

Little-known manufacturers of generic pills, superstores like Walmart and chain retailers like Rite Aid also flooded the country with billions of pills, according to the filings. The devastation was so extreme that one Ohio county resorted to a mobile morgue to handle all the corpses of people who died from overdoses.

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CreditWhitney Curtis/Associated Press

As the epidemic crested, the suppliers with the greatest sales were not the branded manufacturers but those who made generic prescription drugs. Between 2003 and 2011, lawyers for the plaintiffs said in one filing, Mallinckrodt, the Ireland-based manufacturer of generic and branded drugs, sold 53 million orders of opioids. Yet the company stopped and then reported to federal authorities at most 33 orders as suspicious, a ratio the lawyers described as defying credibility.

The filings represent a signature moment in the run-up to the first trial of nearly 2,000 cases brought by cities and counties nationwide, consolidated in an Ohio federal court. They are seeking billions of dollars in compensation from the corporations implicated in the opioid epidemic.

Both sides have largely finished gathering evidence, and Friday’s filings attempt to solidify major claims for the first trial, which is scheduled to begin in October. Stemming from a lawsuit brought by Cuyahoga and Summit counties in Ohio, it is intended as a litmus test for the remaining cases. Judge Dan Aaron Polster of Federal District Court of Northern Ohio hopes that the shadow of the trial will goad the sides to reach a national settlement that could award money to cities, towns and counties across the country, and foreclose further opioid lawsuits.

CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

With Friday’s briefs, the plaintiffs want the judge to rule that for years, defendants ignored and violated laws that required them to monitor and report suspicious orders. They also argue that defendants created a “public nuisance”— a continuing crisis that affects the far reaches of public health, including neonatal intensive care, foster care, emergency services, detox and rehabilitation programs and the criminal justice system.

CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

The pharmaceutical industry also filed briefs on Friday. Many submissions, including exhibits, were limited, heavily redacted or outright sealed.

Manufacturers of generic drugs argued that they do not market their opioids, nor should they be penalized for selling versions of prescriptions approved by the Food and Drug Administration. The pharmacy chains argued that the plaintiffs offered no proof that opioids they distributed only to their own stores had been illegally diverted. And they said that many plaintiffs’ claims were invalid because statutes of limitations had run out.

CreditGene J. Puskar/Associated Press

But the plaintiffs offered up a less benign view of how opioids flew through the pharmacies.

When patients of Dr. Adolph Harper, a gynecologist, needed to buy opioids, they often seemed to show up at Rite Aid stores near his office in Akron, Ohio. His clinic prescribed hundreds of thousands of the painkillers, such as OxyContin, Roxicet, Percocet and Opana. He continued to do so even though at least eight patients overdosed and died, the Justice Department has previously said. Dr. Harper was later arrested and sentenced to 10 years in jail.

But despite all the opioid prescriptions pouring in from Dr. Harper, the company did not identify any suspicious orders coming from Dr. Harper’s clinic, the plaintiffs said. Instead, Rite Aid increased its orders to meet the surge in demand from the clinic.

For years, long after the opioid crisis began, the giant pharmacy chains, including Walgreens and CVS, and Walmart did almost nothing to fulfill their legal duty to monitor suspicious orders, the plaintiffs’ lawyers claim. While they were supposed to block such orders and alert the Drug Enforcement Administration, they did so rarely.

One official at Walgreens tasked with monitoring such orders said his department was “not equipped” for that work. The company created lists of suspicious orders that ran thousands of pages, but then shipped them without further review.

Asked for a response, Walgreens issued a statement saying it “has not distributed prescription controlled substances since 2014 and before that time only distributed to our chain of pharmacies.” The company called itself “an industry leader in combating this crisis.”

An official at CVS who was listed as the company’s D.E.A. compliance coordinator admitted that it was not her real job, the plaintiffs’ filing said. Much of the company’s compliance was relegated to “pickers and packers” — the warehouse workers at distribution centers who appeared to have no formal training in monitoring and rarely held up orders. In the company’s Indianapolis distribution center, approximately two orders were flagged each year from 2006 to 2014.

Before 2011, Walmart had no discernible system to monitor suspicious orders. the plaintiffs contended. The company said that it relied on its hourly employees, which the plaintiffs called a “farcical” claim with no evidence of training or policy in place.

By 2015, the company put a system of storewide limits in place, but it was so forgiving that a store could go from ordering 10 dosages of 10 milligrams of oxycodone in one month, to 7,999 dosages the next, without raising an alarm. In a filing Friday, Walmart said that its pharmacy business accounted “for a vanishingly small part of the relevant market” and noted that an expert for the plaintiffs had concluded that Walmart distributed less than 1.3 percent of the opioids distributed to the Ohio counties that brought the case.

Rite Aid, in its own filing, said that “plaintiffs have presented no evidence” that the company’s “limited distribution of opioids caused any of their injuries,” an argument echoed by CVS, which said in its filing there was “no evidence’ that any CVS shipment to the counties was misused.

But the plaintiffs alleged complicity across the opioid supply chain.

“Failure to identify suspicious orders was their business model,” they said of the defendants. “They turned a blind eye and called themselves mere ‘deliverymen’ with no responsibility for what they delivered or to whom. Just like any street drug courier.”

As billions of their pills poured into the country, generic manufacturers took a lax approach to tracking suspicious orders, the briefs for the plaintiffs said. They used faulty algorithms to flag questionable orders and frequently handed oversight to customer service employees and account managers, whose pay was tied to drug sales.

Many of the companies used rudimentary systems to flag orders, for example only singling out cases when a customer ordered more than two or three times the amount that it had in the past. Such systems did not comply with D.E.A. requirements, the plaintiffs said. They did not account for pharmacies that were already ordering inappropriately large quantities of opioids, and many of the tracking systems could be evaded by dividing orders into smaller quantities, or switching to new dosages.

The generic manufacturer Teva’s program was called “DefOps,” which was short for “Defensible Operations.” It was set up to keep Teva out of trouble and also because it “sounded good,” according to the filing, which cited a deposition of the employee who had designed it.

In a legal filing Friday, Teva said it had followed the law and that the plaintiffs could not show that its products caused them harm.

Some companies gave sales employees responsibility for investigating and clearing suspicious orders. That was the case at Mallinckrodt. From 2006 through 2014, the plaintiffs’ lawyers said, Mallinckrodt’s products accounted for a quarter of all the opioids dispensed in the two Ohio counties.

CreditStuart Isett for The New York Times

Mallinckrodt’s national account managers, whose bonuses were tied to sales, investigated suspicious orders. One order was cleared because a national account manager wanted to keep the “momentum rolling” with a customer, according to the legal filing. Another justified an unusually large order because the customer had been unable to obtain opioids from another source.

Company officials acknowledged that assigning their sales staff to scrutinize suspicious orders was a conflict of interest, according to emails cited in the legal filing, but allowed the practice to continue.

A spokesman for Mallinckrodt declined to comment on the legal filings Friday.

In 2017, Mallinckrodt agreed to pay $35 million to settle federal charges that it had failed to detect suspicious orders of opioids and to report them to the D.E.A. Under that settlement it also agreed to more closely analyze its distribution to ensure its products are not being misused.

CreditActavis

Some manufacturers failed to alter their practices even when they were warned that their drugs were being misused. In 2012, D.E.A. officials met with employees of Actavis, a manufacturer of generic OxyContin and Opana ER, two of the most abused painkillers on the market. The agency urged the company to see for themselves how their products were being used on the ground.

According to the legal filing, a D.E.A. worker told the Actavis employees “to visit pharmacies who were receiving their products in South Florida, in order for them to witness the long lines at pain clinics, out-of-state license plates, questionable clients, security guard(s) in the parking lots, and signs stating cash payments only.”

But little changed. Actavis’s ethics and compliance officer later said in a deposition, cited in the plaintiffs’ filing, that the “tone and tenor” of the meeting “made it less productive than it could have been” and that the D.E.A. officials had treated the employees “as street dealers.”

In a follow-up meeting later that year, the D.E.A. asked Actavis to reduce its manufacturing quota for oxycodone, the active ingredient in OxyContin. The company rejected the agency’s request.

Following a series of acquisitions, Actavis’s generic products are now owned by Teva, which declined to comment.

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Eugene Scalia, Trump’s Labor Pick, Has Fought for Corporate Clients

Eugene Scalia, whom President Trump intends to nominate as labor secretary, is often hired by companies when they are sued by workers, or when they want to push back against new employment laws and regulations.

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce praised him as an “excellent choice,” saying he would be a valuable asset to the department as it finalizes several regulations.

Senators, especially Democrats, are sure to closely study his long career working on behalf of corporate clients, which was interrupted by a brief tenure as the Labor Department’s top lawyer.

Mr. Scalia, who is the son of the deceased Supreme Court justice Antonin Scalia, is perhaps best known for his opposition to a regulation that would have mandated greater protections for workers at risk of repetitive stress injuries. But he worked on several other prominent cases, representing the financial industry and companies like UPS and SeaWorld. Here are three important issues he worked on.

The Obama Labor Department spent six years developing new rules for how brokers and other financial professionals advised clients on their retirement accounts. Until then, advisers had been required to provide investing advice that was “suitable.” The new rule, which the Obama administration finalized in 2016, required brokers to act as fiduciaries, meaning they would have to provide advice that was in the best interest of their clients.

The administration estimated that conflicts of interest arising under the old standard cost Americans about $17 billion a year.

Mr. Scalia was part of a team at his law firm Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher that sued to block the rule on behalf of several industry groups, including the Chamber of Commerce and the Financial Services Roundtable. The groups argued that the regulation would harm less-affluent investors because firms would simply stop offering them advice to avoid exposing themselves to liability.

Mr. Scalia called the rule a prime example of “regulatory overreach” in an interview with the author of a newsletter. He said investment advice should be overseen by the Securities and Exchange Commission and state insurance regulators, not the Labor Department.

Mr. Scalia and his team lost in a trial court in early 2017, after which Alex Acosta, the labor secretary Mr. Scalia will replace, said there was no principled legal basis for delaying initial application of the rule and began to partially adopt it. But Mr. Scalia’s team continued the fight before a federal appeals court, which ultimately ruled in their favor the following year. The rule died when the Trump administration declined further legal challenges.

More about Mr. Scalia and the Labor Department

Mr. Scalia was part of legal teams that defended UPS against claims brought under the Americans with Disabilities Act in two cases during the late 1990s and 2000s. In the first case, UPS employees who could only see with one eye sued the company for refusing to allow them to become drivers, arguing that the company’s policy had discriminated against people who were capable of operating vehicles safely. The federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission brought the case, but UPS largely prevailed in two separate appeals.

In the second case, some UPS employees claimed that the company had refused to let them return to work after they had suffered on-the-job injuries because they were unable to perform all the responsibilities of their previous jobs. The workers argued that the company violated the Americans with Disabilities Act by not providing accommodations that would let them resume work.

A lower court certified the case as a class action, but Mr. Scalia and his team successfully argued that the court should not have allowed the plaintiffs to bring their claims jointly before first investigating whether each one should be allowed to return to work under the disability law based on their individual circumstances. An appeals court ruled in the company’s favor in 2009.

Peter Blanck, a professor at Syracuse University who has written extensively about the disabilities law, said that class action suits are often critical to allowing individuals to realize their rights under the law. Absent the class certification, the plaintiffs agreed to a settlement with the company.

In these and other lawsuits involving his clients, Mr. Scalia has “consistently sought to narrow A.D.A. protections on a variety of issues, including the definition of disability and class certification” Douglas Kruse and Lisa Schur, two experts on the employment of people with disabilities at Rutgers University, said in an email.

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CreditMathieu Belanger /Reuters

In 2010, a killer whale attacked and killed a SeaWorld trainer named Dawn Brancheau. The federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration, a division of the Labor Department, investigated and concluded that SeaWorld either knew or should have known that the whale posed a threat to humans and should have taken steps to protect trainers.

The government’s argument prevailed before an administrative law judge, and then again in federal court, where Mr. Scalia’s firm represented SeaWorld. When the company appealed to a federal court in Washington, Mr. Scalia argued on its behalf.

Mr. Scalia and his team maintained that Congress had never intended for the safety administration to regulate an occupation like training and performing with killer whales. They further argued that SeaWorld already had adequate safety measures in place, and that the trainers had accepted the risks inherent in their jobs and that it was their responsibility to manage these risks.

David Michaels, the head of the safety administration at the time, said that it was true that the agency did not have much experience on the subject of killer whales, but it had a responsibility to cover the entire American work force. “We researched the question of what’s known about killer whales, we researched this particular killer whale,” Dr. Michaels said, “and we thought we made the right decision” to bring the case.

Except for the question of whether the company had willfully exposed its trainers to danger, the courts largely agreed with the government. The appeals court rejected Mr. Scalia’s arguments in a 2-to-1 decision, and the company did not appeal the case further.

But should a similar case arise if he is confirmed as labor secretary, the argument Mr. Scalia made might have more currency. The lone dissent in his favor was written by Brett Kavanaugh, who was then a judge on the appeals court and is now on the Supreme Court.

Many sports and entertainment activities, from professional football to the circus, pose hazards to those who participate in them, Mr. Kavanaugh wrote in his dissent.

But, he continued, “it is simply not plausible to assert that Congress, when passing the Occupational Safety and Health Act, silently intended to authorize the Department of Labor to eliminate familiar sports and entertainment practices, such as punt returns in the N.F.L., speeding in Nascar, or the whale show at SeaWorld.”

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Marylou Whitney, Social Queen of the Racing World, Dies at 93

Marylou Whitney, who fled Kansas for New York with dreams of being an actress and found instead a life of immense wealth and privilege, marrying into two of America’s richest families and reigning for decades as the social queen of the Saratoga and Lexington racing seasons, died on Friday at her home in Saratoga Springs, N.Y. She was 93.

The New York Racing Association announced her death, which it said came after an unspecified long illness.

Mrs. Whitney, the widow of Cornelius Vanderbilt Whitney — businessman, film producer, philanthropist, horse breeder, polo player — was a tireless society hostess, a patron of the arts and the author of three cookbooks, including one on peanuts and peanut butter.

Not least, she was a sportswoman and a thoroughbred breeder, inducted this year into the National Museum of Racing and Hall of Fame in Saratoga Springs. She hunted and fished with the outdoors-loving Sonny Whitney, as he was known, throughout their 34-year marriage. As she approached her 70th birthday she sponsored a dog sled team, accompanying it by skiplane into the Alaskan wilderness for the Iditarod race.

Mrs. Whitney had all the requisites of a member in good standing of the international set: homes in the United States and abroad (there were seven at one time), jewels with illustrious provenance (a diamond and ruby tiara once belonged to Empress Elizabeth of Austria) and couturier clothes (heavy on frills, flounces and femininity).

In Saratoga Springs, where the Whitneys owned a stately manor on a 135-acre estate called Cady Hill, Mrs. Whitney was renowned for her annual late-summer gala on the eve of the Whitney Stakes at Saratoga Race Course.

At the benefits and balls she oversaw, grand entrances were her signature, her conveyances as diverse as a coronation carriage and a hot-air balloon. The penchant was practically lifelong: No stranger to the gossip columns even as a young aspiring actress in New York, she once attracted publicity by riding a horse from Central Park to the supper club El Borracho and hitching it to a fence before going in to join a friend. At 71 she married a man 39 years her junior.

For the 1994 Saratoga gala, at the old Canfield Casino in Congress Park, Mrs. Whitney, in emeralds and diamonds, made a shimmering arrival as the Good Witch Glinda, in keeping with the evening’s theme, “The Wizard of Oz.” The Cowardly Lion, the Tin Man, the Scarecrow and Dorothy were her escorts.

Her season-opening parties in Kentucky were less theatrical, though she would decorate her 20-room white brick Federal house in Lexington in grand style for the occasion, sometimes to resemble a child’s version of fairyland, with constellations of tiny lights twinkling indoors and out and a “rainbow bridge” spanning a pool in the atrium.

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CreditBill Cunningham/The New York Times

The house sat amid the sprawling C. V. Whitney Farm, founded in 1896 by Sonny Whitney’s grandfather William C. Whitney, an industrialist who built a fortune on oil, tobacco and New York City streetcars. The couple also had a duplex apartment on Fifth Avenue, a villa in Palm Beach, Fla., a 100-room castle in Majorca, Spain, a ski lodge in Mount Placid, N.Y., and a summer retreat in the Adirondacks called Whitney Park, at more than 50,000 acres one of America’s largest tracts of private wilderness.

In Lexington, Mrs. Whitney took a passionate interest in the C. V. Whitney Racing Stable, whose great thoroughbreds in its trademark Eton blue and brown included Equipoise, Phalanx and Counterpoint. The stables later ceased operations, and Mr. Whitney died in 1992 at age 93, but Mrs. Whitney carried on the tradition, establishing her own stables. Her biggest success, under the guidance of Nick Zito, a racing Hall of Fame trainer, was Birdstone, the horse that spoiled Smarty Jones’s bid for the Triple Crown with an upset victory in the 2004 Belmont Stakes.

Mrs. Whitney called off her annual racing gala in 2012, saying she wanted to concentrate on more charitable events during the season, like holding dinners and other festivities for the track’s 2,500 “backstretchers,” mostly Hispanic men, who worked for low wages in more than 90 barns at Saratoga.

“We had to do more for the workers in the backstretch,” Mrs. Whitney told The New York Times in 2010. “They’ve needed a sense of belonging. And dignity.”

She was born Marie Louise Schroeder in Kansas City, Mo., on Dec. 24, 1925, to Harry and Marie Jean Schroeder. She attended Southwest High School and enrolled at the University of Iowa but had to return home at 19 when her father, a bank officer as well as an accountant, died. She found work at a Kansas City radio station as a wartime disc jockey, creating “Private Smiles,” a program for servicemen broadcast worldwide. Then she took off for New York with dreams of acting.

Blond, blue-eyed and petite, she found bit parts in early television shows while adding to her uncertain income by working and writing for a trade magazine and selling program ideas to a radio show. Meanwhile, she made the social rounds.

“She walked into ‘21’ on the arm of Teddy Howard, the theatrical press agent, and three men at the bar were instantly interested,” one of the men, the socially prominent Richard Cowell of Palm Beach, told New York magazine in 1998. “She was unquestionably glamorous.”

Her money problems ended when she married Frank Hosford of the John Deere farm machinery family. They had four children. The family later moved to Phoenix, where she earned a real estate license and worked part time as the hostess of a television cooking show.

It was while she was separated from Mr. Hosford that she met, and impressed, Mr. Whitney at a Phoenix supper club. “I’ve never seen a woman cook,” he was quoted as saying.

CreditStewart Cairns for The New York Times

Soon she was given a role in “The Missouri Traveler,” a movie he was producing. She took off for California and, when filming ended, received a telephone call from Mr. Whitney, who was 26 years her senior. He proposed to her, she recalled, as she was putting a soufflé in the oven. By the time she had recovered from the shock and said yes, the soufflé had fallen.

After divorcing their spouses, the couple married in 1958 at a ranch in Carson City, Nev. They spent their honeymoon in 30-below-zero Flin Flon, Manitoba, where Mr. Whitney had interests in the Hudson Bay Mining and Smelting Company. Mrs. Whitney’s trousseau included a caribou parka with a wolverine-trimmed hood.

She was the fourth wife of Sonny Whitney, whose mother was Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney, the artist who founded the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York.

The new Mrs. Whitney threw herself into her husband’s sports activities while running their homes, organizing their parties and keeping their romance alive. Mr. Whitney, she said, was a playful romantic who enjoyed calling her pretending to be a secret admirer and arranging an assignation. Once he gave her a candy Easter egg; when she bit into it, she struck a diamond.

Indeed, jewelry was another passion. On the opening night of the Metropolitan Opera at the newly built Lincoln Center in 1966, the sparkling chandeliers had competition in Mrs. Whitney’s tiara, with its 75 rubies and 1,900 diamonds.

On his death Mr. Whitney left his entire fortune of $100 million (the equivalent of about $179 million today) to his wife. It had grown from a $20 million inheritance from his father, Harry Payne Whitney, thanks to shrewd investments in Pan American Airways, which the younger Mr. Whitney helped found; in movies like “Gone With The Wind,” in which he had a major financial interest; and in Marineland, the Florida tourist attraction, which he had built.

As a widow Mrs. Whitney became even more active — traveling to the North and South Poles, learning ice fishing and snowshoeing, and involving herself in dog sled racing in Alaska. She also began painting.

The gossip pages tracked her romantic life as she dated men of her own generation as well as younger ones, including John Hendrickson, a former aide to Gov. Walter J. Hickel of Alaska. They met in Alaska and married in 1997; she was 71 and he was 32.

Mrs. Whitney later named Mr. Hendrickson vice president of Whitney Industries, which manages the family’s lumber business and land holdings.

CreditTyler Hicks/The New York Times

As a Whitney she maintained ties to the Whitney Museum. But that relationship ended in 2000, when the museum chose to include in its biennial show a work called “Sanitation,” by Hans Haacke, a German-born New York artist.

The piece featured a wall of garbage cans with speakers blaring the sound of marching jackboots, a reproduction of the First Amendment and, in a medieval typescript favored by the Nazis, quotations from Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani and prominent hard-line American conservatives. Some Jewish organizations denounced the work as trivializing the Holocaust.

Mrs. Whitney, too, was offended. She withdrew her financial support for the museum and resigned from its national fund-raising council. “Gertrude would roll over in her grave,” she said of her mother-in-law. But the exhibition went on as planned.

During that episode it was revealed that Mrs. Whitney had given the museum only about $5,000 a year, a donation expected of all council members. But she asserted that she had planned to leave the museum $1 million in her will; now, she said, that money would go to the Whitney Gallery of Western Art in Cody, Wyo., which was established by Sonny Whitney.

It was not the first time Mrs. Whitney had been involved in a public dispute. In 1997, with timber prices down and property taxes on the rise, she shocked environmental and recreation groups in New York State by proposing to subdivide and sell, to home developers, nearly one-third of Whitney Park, which the family had owned for a century.

New York State ended up buying 15,000 acres for $17.1 million in 1997 (more than $27 million today).

Mrs. Whitney’s survivors include Mr. Hendrickson and five children, Mary Louise, Frank, Henry and Heather Hosford and Cornelia Vanderbilt Whitney, her only child from her marriage to Mr. Whitney.

Mrs. Whitney remained an active philanthropist with Mr. Hendrickson into her last years, particularly in establishing a cancer research and treatment center for women at the University of Kentucky in Lexington. She and Sonny Whitney were founders of the National Museum of Dance in Saratoga Springs and the Saratoga Performing Arts Center.

She was also known for smaller kindnesses. In 2007, after recovering from a stroke the year before, she came to the aid of her friend Sarah K. Ramsey, who had suffered an even more debilitating one. Ms. Ramsey and her husband, Kenneth, are among thoroughbred racing’s most successful owner and breeders.

Mrs. Whitney flew one of her doctors to Kentucky to treat Ms. Ramsey, along with equipment that had helped her own rehabilitation. Grateful for the help, the Ramseys named one of their top young horses Thank You Marylou.

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